Case assignment in double object constructions

Abstract

This paper analyzes how case assignment takes place in double object constructions in English. It has been claimed in the literature that case could be either structural or inherent. I will provide some evidence showing that this distinction is problematic under certain circumstances. In this sense, I will suggest three different possibilities to unify these two processes of case assignment. In the first place, I will consider unification through PP-movement, which seems to work well if we allow different subcategorizations of the same verb. In the second place, I will focus on unification through Inherent Case, pointing out that it cannot account for some of the data presented in this paper. Finally, I will discuss and give arguments for the unification through Structural case.